I am broadly interested in the diversity in state and city-level politics regarding punishment, incarceration, and criminal justice.
Here are my published papers.
"Do Officer-Involved Shootings Reduce Citizen Contact with Government?" With Tom Clark, Adam Glynn, Michael Leo Owens, Elisha Cohen, Kaylyn Jackson, and Paul Zachary. Published in the Journal of Politics.
Police use of force bears on central matters of political science, including equality of citizen treatment by government. In light of recent high-profile officer-involved shootings (OIS) that resulted in civilian deaths, we assess whether, conditional on a shooting, a civilian’s race predicts fatality during police-civilian interactions. We combine Los Angeles data on OIS with a novel research design to estimate the causal effects of fatal shootings on citizen-initiated contact with government. Specifically, we examine whether fatal OIS affect citizen contact with the municipal government via use of the emergency 911 and nonemergency 311 call systems in Los Angeles. We find no average effect of OIS on patterns of 911 and 311 call behavior across a wide range of empirical specifications. Our results suggest, contrary to existing evidence, that OIS, in and of themselves, do not substantively change civic behavior, at least not citizen-initiated contact with local government.
Here is a list of my working paper projects, some more nascent than others.
"Why Do States Privatize their Prisons? The Unintended Consequences of Inmate Litigation."
The United States has witnessed privatization of a variety of government functions over the last three decades. Media and politicians often attribute the decision to privatize to ideological commitments to small government and fiscal pressure. These claims are particularly notable in the context of prison privatization, where states and the federal government have employed private companies to operate and manage private correctional facilities. I argue state prison privatization is not a function of simple ideological or economic considerations. Rather, prison privatization has been a (potentially unintended) consequence of the administrative and legal costs associated with litigation brought by prisoners. I assemble an original database of prison privatization in the US and demonstrate that the privatization of prisons is best predicted by the legal pressure on state corrections systems, rather than the ideological orientation of a state government. PDF of most recent version here.
"Partisan Politics, Social Control, and Corrections Spending: The Counterbalancing Effect of Black Political Incorporation." Theories concerning the adoption of punitive policies at the state level often cite two dynamics: conservative ideology and racial threat, that punitive policies are more likely in states with Republican politicians and a higher proportion of Black residents. I argue these theories lose their explanatory power in the post-Civil Rights era, and suggest Black political incorporation acts as a powerful antidote to the punitive impulses of government officials. I test my hypotheses on a dataset of state corrections spending from 1983 to 2011 and find evidence for the counterbalancing argument. States with increasing percentages of Black state legislators spend 0.42 fewer dollars per capita on corrections, suggesting Black political incorporation is an important mediator in the relationship between racial threat and corrections budgets. This paper has implications for the application of the social control theory as descriptive representation grows, but also for the study of the effect of minority politicians on budgets and policy more broadly. The adoption of policies deleterious to certain communities can be mitigated by the presence of representatives who legislate on behalf of those communities.
"Who Punishes More? Partisanship, Punitive Policies, and the Puzzle of Democratic Governors." The growth of the carceral state over the last few decades has been remarkable, with millions of Americans in prison, jail, on parole or probation. However, political science explanations of this policy largely identify partisanship as a key explanatory variable in the adoption of punitive policies: by this theory, Republicans are the driving force behind these measures. This paper argues this explanation is incomplete and emphasizes the bipartisan coalition that built the carceral state. I argue Democratic governors will be incentivized to pursue more punitive policies to compete with Republicans, especially when they are electorally vulnerable. I test this proposition using a series of regression discontinuity designs and find causal evidence for Democrats' complicity in the expansion of the carceral state. Democratic governors who barely win outincarcerate and outspend their Republican counterparts on corrections, highlighting their role as key architects in the creation of the vast criminal justice system and its punitive institutions.
"Does Military Aid to Police Decrease Crime? Counterevidence from the Federal 1033 Program and Local Police Jurisdictions in the United States." With Tom Clark, Adam Glynn, Michael Leo Owens, Elisha Cohen, and Kaylyn Jackson. For three decades, the federal government has been supplying local law enforcement agencies with surplus military equipment, on the logic the support will enhance crime fighting and law enforcement. This policy has helped change the physical profile of policing, "militarizing" it. But the question remains, does the policy serve the stated goal of reducing crime rates? Scholars debate that question. We join the debate, demonstrating deep problems with commonly used data about the collection and retention of SME by local law enforcement agencies. We also revisit two prominent "police militarization" studies, using new data to demonstrate that any conclusions that military aid reduces crime are likely driven by flawed data. Data quality problems with SME records seriously limit the ability to assess the effects of police militarization on law enforcement and public safety.
"Noncongruent Policymaking by Cities and States for Citizens with Criminal Records: Representation, Organizing, and 'Ban the Box'." With Michael Leo Owens. Generally, policymakers adopt policies encumbering groups with negative social constructions and limited political power. Sometimes, they choose policies to benefit, not burden them, adopting “noncongruent” policies that deliberately mismatch assumptions about deservingness and the distribution of benefits (and costs). We study noncongruent policymaking for one group, citizens with criminal records. We test whether such policymaking may require, among other things, presence by “preferable representatives” and civil society organizations that intentionally mobilize disadvantaged groups. We focus on polices removing criminal records questions from public and private job applications, using longitudinal data for 251 cities and the 50 states. Leveraging event history analysis, we report evidence that Black policymakers as preferable representatives and civil society leagues that employ community organizing are associated with subnational removal of “the box.” While descriptive, the findings deepen understanding of how intracity and intrastate politics may influence noncongruent policymaking for negatively constructed and politically weak groups.
Here are my published papers.
"Do Officer-Involved Shootings Reduce Citizen Contact with Government?" With Tom Clark, Adam Glynn, Michael Leo Owens, Elisha Cohen, Kaylyn Jackson, and Paul Zachary. Published in the Journal of Politics.
Police use of force bears on central matters of political science, including equality of citizen treatment by government. In light of recent high-profile officer-involved shootings (OIS) that resulted in civilian deaths, we assess whether, conditional on a shooting, a civilian’s race predicts fatality during police-civilian interactions. We combine Los Angeles data on OIS with a novel research design to estimate the causal effects of fatal shootings on citizen-initiated contact with government. Specifically, we examine whether fatal OIS affect citizen contact with the municipal government via use of the emergency 911 and nonemergency 311 call systems in Los Angeles. We find no average effect of OIS on patterns of 911 and 311 call behavior across a wide range of empirical specifications. Our results suggest, contrary to existing evidence, that OIS, in and of themselves, do not substantively change civic behavior, at least not citizen-initiated contact with local government.
Here is a list of my working paper projects, some more nascent than others.
"Why Do States Privatize their Prisons? The Unintended Consequences of Inmate Litigation."
The United States has witnessed privatization of a variety of government functions over the last three decades. Media and politicians often attribute the decision to privatize to ideological commitments to small government and fiscal pressure. These claims are particularly notable in the context of prison privatization, where states and the federal government have employed private companies to operate and manage private correctional facilities. I argue state prison privatization is not a function of simple ideological or economic considerations. Rather, prison privatization has been a (potentially unintended) consequence of the administrative and legal costs associated with litigation brought by prisoners. I assemble an original database of prison privatization in the US and demonstrate that the privatization of prisons is best predicted by the legal pressure on state corrections systems, rather than the ideological orientation of a state government. PDF of most recent version here.
"Partisan Politics, Social Control, and Corrections Spending: The Counterbalancing Effect of Black Political Incorporation." Theories concerning the adoption of punitive policies at the state level often cite two dynamics: conservative ideology and racial threat, that punitive policies are more likely in states with Republican politicians and a higher proportion of Black residents. I argue these theories lose their explanatory power in the post-Civil Rights era, and suggest Black political incorporation acts as a powerful antidote to the punitive impulses of government officials. I test my hypotheses on a dataset of state corrections spending from 1983 to 2011 and find evidence for the counterbalancing argument. States with increasing percentages of Black state legislators spend 0.42 fewer dollars per capita on corrections, suggesting Black political incorporation is an important mediator in the relationship between racial threat and corrections budgets. This paper has implications for the application of the social control theory as descriptive representation grows, but also for the study of the effect of minority politicians on budgets and policy more broadly. The adoption of policies deleterious to certain communities can be mitigated by the presence of representatives who legislate on behalf of those communities.
"Who Punishes More? Partisanship, Punitive Policies, and the Puzzle of Democratic Governors." The growth of the carceral state over the last few decades has been remarkable, with millions of Americans in prison, jail, on parole or probation. However, political science explanations of this policy largely identify partisanship as a key explanatory variable in the adoption of punitive policies: by this theory, Republicans are the driving force behind these measures. This paper argues this explanation is incomplete and emphasizes the bipartisan coalition that built the carceral state. I argue Democratic governors will be incentivized to pursue more punitive policies to compete with Republicans, especially when they are electorally vulnerable. I test this proposition using a series of regression discontinuity designs and find causal evidence for Democrats' complicity in the expansion of the carceral state. Democratic governors who barely win outincarcerate and outspend their Republican counterparts on corrections, highlighting their role as key architects in the creation of the vast criminal justice system and its punitive institutions.
"Does Military Aid to Police Decrease Crime? Counterevidence from the Federal 1033 Program and Local Police Jurisdictions in the United States." With Tom Clark, Adam Glynn, Michael Leo Owens, Elisha Cohen, and Kaylyn Jackson. For three decades, the federal government has been supplying local law enforcement agencies with surplus military equipment, on the logic the support will enhance crime fighting and law enforcement. This policy has helped change the physical profile of policing, "militarizing" it. But the question remains, does the policy serve the stated goal of reducing crime rates? Scholars debate that question. We join the debate, demonstrating deep problems with commonly used data about the collection and retention of SME by local law enforcement agencies. We also revisit two prominent "police militarization" studies, using new data to demonstrate that any conclusions that military aid reduces crime are likely driven by flawed data. Data quality problems with SME records seriously limit the ability to assess the effects of police militarization on law enforcement and public safety.
"Noncongruent Policymaking by Cities and States for Citizens with Criminal Records: Representation, Organizing, and 'Ban the Box'." With Michael Leo Owens. Generally, policymakers adopt policies encumbering groups with negative social constructions and limited political power. Sometimes, they choose policies to benefit, not burden them, adopting “noncongruent” policies that deliberately mismatch assumptions about deservingness and the distribution of benefits (and costs). We study noncongruent policymaking for one group, citizens with criminal records. We test whether such policymaking may require, among other things, presence by “preferable representatives” and civil society organizations that intentionally mobilize disadvantaged groups. We focus on polices removing criminal records questions from public and private job applications, using longitudinal data for 251 cities and the 50 states. Leveraging event history analysis, we report evidence that Black policymakers as preferable representatives and civil society leagues that employ community organizing are associated with subnational removal of “the box.” While descriptive, the findings deepen understanding of how intracity and intrastate politics may influence noncongruent policymaking for negatively constructed and politically weak groups.